Since voiceless aspirates were finally removed from the PIE stop inventory, scholars were forced to explain the origin of the voiceless aspirates in Sanskrit. For this Hittite again led the way. Hittite preserved consonants, now called laryngeals and denoted *h1, *h2, *h3 (or collectively just *H), which were unattested in any of the other daughter languages. These consonants, when following voiceless non-aspirates in Sanskrit, resulted in the corresponding aspirate: PIE *-tH- > Skt. -th-. Laryngeals also had the following effects:
The following chart illustrates Laryngeal coloring.
| Color | PIE | Result | PIE | Result | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| e | *h1e | *h1e | *eh1 | *eh1 | ||||
| a | *h2e | *h2a | *eh2 | *ah2 | ||||
| o | *h3e | *h3o | *eh3 | *oh3 |
The chart below shows the laryngeal contraction that follows coloring.
| PIE | Color | Contraction | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| *eh1 | *eh1 | *e: | ||
| *eh2 | *ah2 | *a: | ||
| *eh3 | *oh3 | *o: |
The vocalization of laryngeals differed according to language, as shown in the following chart.
| PIE | Greek | Latin | Sanskrit | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| *dhh1s- | thés-phatos | fa:num < fas-no- | dhis.-n.ya- | |||
| *sth2-tó- | sta-tó-s | sta-tu-s | sthi-ta- | |||
| *dh3-ti- | dó-si-s | da-tio: | di-ti- |
After coloring and contraction, the laryngeals themselves were subsequently lost in all languages except Hittite. The following chart compares the outcomes of some PIE roots in Hittite and Latin.
| PIE | Coloring | Hittite | Latin | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| *h1es-ti | *h1es-ti | e:s^-zi 'is' | est 'is' | |||
| *h2ent- | *h2ant- | hant- 'forehead' | ante 'before' | |||
| *h3erbh- | *h3orbh- | harapp- 'be separated' | orbus 'orphan' |
The table below gives some typical examples of the sequence of changes leading from PIE forms containing laryngeals to their remnants in other daughter languages.
| PIE | Color | Contraction | Result | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| *dheh1-mn. | *dheh1-mn. | *dhe:-mn. | Gk. (aná)-the:ma | |||
| *peh2-s- | *pah2-s- | *pa:-s- | Lat. pa:s-tor | |||
| *deh3-rom | *doh3-rom | *do:-rom | Gk. do:-ron |
As with the PIE stop inventory, the PIE vocalic system was originally assumed to be quite robust. The original assumption was that it contained all the "continental" vowels -- *a, *e, *i, *o, *u -- together with their lengthened counterparts -- *a:, *e:, *i:, *o:, *u:. Upon further investigation, it was found that the evidence for PIE *a is in fact sparse. The advent of laryngeal theory in turn allowed for even greater simplification, since both PIE *a and *o could be assumed to derive from earlier PIE *eh2 and *eh3, respectively. The lengthened vowels could likewise be derived from laryngeal contraction. Thus the PIE vowel system seemed to devolve into merely *e plus the semivowels *i and *u. This position seems so extreme, however -- there are no extant languages with solely one vowel -- that most historical linguists take the core PIE vowels to be *e, *a, *o (the latter two being rarer than the first), plus the semivowels *i, *u. The lengthened grades are typically seen as the result of laryngeal contraction, though there does seem to be evidence from patterns of vocalic alternation (ablaut) that some long vowels were original in PIE.
The resonants of PIE are the typical *r, *l, *n, *m. Each of these can function as consonant, beginning or ending a syllable, or as forming the nucleus of a syllable, like a vowel. In the latter role they are often denoted *r., *l., *n., *m.. As an example, compare the first l- of the English word little, which as a consonant begins the first syllable, to the second -l-, which as a vowel forms the nucleus of the second syllable.
Given the ability of the laryngeals to vocalize between consonants, it is occasionally convenient to think of the laryngeals likewise as resonants.
PIE had the sole sibilant *s. In certain environments this may have become voiced, but this was an allophonic change, not phonemic.
The basic idea of PIE phonology is to posit a phonological system of the parent language Proto-Indo-European, and to state explicitly different groups of rules, whereby the phonemes of PIE changed regularly into those of the various daughter languages. For instance, one set of rules should say how those phonemes changed into the phonemic inventory of Proto-Germanic; another should describe how the PIE phonemes changed into those of Proto-Italic; and so on. From there, one repeats the procedure, e.g. stating rules by which the phonemes of Proto-Italic developed into those of Latin. The Tocharianist of course desires to apply the same methodology to Tocharian A and B, first deciding how PIE phonemes became those of Proto-Tocharian, and how these latter became the phonemes seen in Tocharian A and Tocharian B themselves.
Lest the reader receive the impression that this is in some sense a merely linguistic pursuit devoid of application to matters of Tocharian society and culture, consider the following. In the early period of Tocharian studies, it was not clear what relative status to give to the two languages Tocharian A and Tocharian B. Scholars were not clear as to whether they are mere dialects, two separate languages in their own right, or if one is the linguistic ancestor of the other. It is primarily through studies of phonology that one attempts to decide the question: for the most part is has become clear that the two languages have phonological rules distinct enough that it is difficult to say one derives from the other. And in many instances it is quite difficult to imagine that they were mutually intelligible at the time they were spoken. (However assertions of this sort are notoriously dubious, since there are ancient references that Old English and Old Norse were mutually intelligible, something that rarely occurs to modern scholars as they attempt to learn the two languages.) At present there is general concensus that Tocharian A and Tocharian B are in fact two distinct languages, likely spoken concurrently by different groups of speakers. This conclusion must be taken into account, then, when one discusses the curious fact that the Tocharian A documents found thus far are all translations of foreign Buddhist literature, while Tocharian B shows at least some documents of native Tocharian composition. If one were to look at a similar situation in the present day, noting that Latin is used almost solely as a liturgical language, while Italian has a robust native literature, one might surmise that as Italian descends from Latin, so must Tocharian B from Tocharian A. But this is not borne out by linguistic inquiry. One must ask then what societal conditions would lead to the Tocharian A speakers writing solely liturgical documents, while Tocharian B speakers left documents on a much wider variety of matters of daily life?
Moreover, in terms of scientific inquiry, laryngeal theory has provided the greatest historical linguistic instance of scientific prediction. Saussure in essence developed the initial idea of laryngeals as a means to explain certain irregularities in Sanskrit root formations: in particular, some roots take a linking -i- between root and suffix, while others do not, without any obvious underlying pattern. Saussure hypothesized that if there were PIE consonants obeying certain rules, then these consonants would explain the resultant situation in Sanskrit. This theory actually preceded the discovery of Hittite, and so such consonants were relegated at the time to the status of mere formal speculation. But with the subsequent decipherment of Hittite, scholars realized that Hittite preserved Saussure's hitherto unattested consonants!
The following text is a continuation of the previous excerpt from the Buddhist Pun.yavanta-Ja:taka.
Note the use in verse 20 of näm., a shortened form for nas.-äm., the third person singular present of the copula, followed by the enclitic pronoun, here 'is for them'. Such constructions with copula and pronoun are common ways of representing possession in Indo-European languages, for example Lat. mihi no:men est... 'to me is the name...', i.e. 'I have the name...'.
Verse 21 is somewhat problematic, with scholarly opinion divided as to whether one should read kälpitär 'should attain (for oneself)' or käl(y)itär 'should exist'. The form amok 'skill' is unfortunately of no help, being the same in nominative and oblique. The reading kälpitär is presented in the selection given below, following the text of Krause & Thomas (Tocharisches Elementarbuch). The translation however gives the rendering according to Lane, and so appropriate to a reading käl(y)itär. See the grammatical notes accompanying the gloss for more details.
The reading selection illustrates in verse 22 the typical Indo-European use of the neuter accusative of an adjective in the role of an adverb, here ka:su 'carefully'. Since masculine and neuter have fallen together in Tocharian, this neuter accusative adverb has form identical with the nominative singular masculine.
15 - S'ilpava:m. trän`käs. : amok wrasas's'i p(o)kam. pruccamo, kyalte : Kuma -- -- --
16 - ka:su n'om-klyu amoktsa:p kälyme kälyme sätkatär.
yärka: ya:mäl mäskatär, potal kropal wrasas's'i.
17 - pa:sma:m. nis.pal lo näks.äl ; wär por la:s' lys'i mn'e kärs.nen'c.
amok nu ma: näknäs.trä, nis.palis s'kam. amok tsma:r.
18 - kosprem. kosprem. s'kam. ne amokäts amoks.im. wram pyutka:s.tär, täprenäk täprenäk pän' pärkowäntu mäskam.tr-äm..
20 - sas pärko näm. : wa:wles.u wram pyutkäs.s.-äm. ; wät ; amokäs. tatmu ka:cke mäskatr-äm. ; trit : wrassäs. ortune kälpna:trä ; s'tärt : a:kläs.lyes ; pänt s'kam. : akäm.tsune-pät-kälpa:lunes.i pärko mäskatr-äm. .
20 - was.t lma:luneyis n'äkcy a:rkis'os.is s'kam. tsma:r na:m.tsu amok . tämyo täm s'a:wes käs.s.is's'i tam.ne wewn'u : S'uris.inam.
21 - amok nes.a: kälpitär, tmäs. nis.palntu kropitär.
ka:kropum.t nu nis.palntu s.akkats s'twar-pa:k ya:miträ :
22 - s.om pa:k was.tam. wärpitär, wunyo wlesant wles.itär,
särki n'a:tse pälkoräs., s'tärcäm. ka:su ta:s.iträ.
23 - sas : wär tkanac wles, wät nu : s'emäl pa:s.äl, trit : kuryar,
s'tärt nu : s'emäl tsma:s.lune, pänt : -- -- --, s.käs.t : ta:l(o)ne .
24 - was.t lma:lunyam. tosäs s.äk ritwo kusne pa:kasyo
nis.pal pän'-wäkna: kroptär, cami wles yäs. kälymeya:
25 - tam.ne kropma:m. nis.palntu ykom. os.en'i s'amam.tär,
mäm.tne -- -- -- -- -- ne lya:lyoryos.os. pat nu.
26 - moknac nis.pal ma: ta:s.äl, ma: s'u ypeya: mskanta:sac,
ma: empeles omskem.sac, ma: pe tampewa:tsesac.
27 - yaläm. wramm ats skam ya:mis., ma: yaläm. wram mar ya:mis..
yaläm. wram ypant wrasom nu pälkäs. mäm.tne sälpma:m. por.
28 - s.n'i s.n'as.s.esa: orta:sa: -- -- em.tsu cwal a:rla:,
puk s.n'as.s.esam. ywa:rcka: säm kayurs.s. oki nus. spa:nte.
29 - wawuräs. el wärporäs., mäm.tne a:s.a:m., sam pkas's'äl,
wlaluneyis akälyme kalkas. wrasom kuprene,
yomna:s. lame n'äktas's'i ya:tluneyo sne na:käm.
30 - tämyo amok n'i pälskam. p(o)kam. pruccamo wrasas's'i.
15 S'ilpava:m. trän`käs. : amok wrasas's'i p(o)kam. pruccamo, kyalte : Kuma -- -- --
16 ka:su n'om-klyu amoktsa:p kälyme kälyme sätkatär.
yärka: ya:mäl mäskatär, potal kropal wrasas's'i.
17 pa:sma:m. nis.pal lo näks.äl ; wär por la:s' lys'i mn'e kärs.nen'c.
amok nu ma: näknäs.trä, nis.palis s'kam. amok tsma:r.
18 kosprem. kosprem. s'kam. ne amokäts amoks.im. wram pyutka:s.tär, täprenäk täprenäk pän' pärkowäntu mäskam.tr-äm.. 20 sas pärko näm. : wa:wles.u wram pyutkäs.s.-äm. ; wät ; amokäs. tatmu ka:cke mäskatr-äm. ; trit : wrassäs. ortune kälpna:trä ; s'tärt : a:kläs.lyes ; pänt s'kam. : akäm.tsune-pät-kälpa:lunes.i pärko mäskatr-äm. . 20 was.t lma:luneyis n'äkcy a:rkis'os.is s'kam. tsma:r na:m.tsu amok . tämyo täm s'a:wes käs.s.is's'i tam.ne wewn'u : S'uris.inam.
21 amok nes.a: kälpitär, tmäs. nis.palntu kropitär.
ka:kropum.t nu nis.palntu s.akkats s'twar-pa:k ya:miträ :
22 s.om pa:k was.tam. wärpitär, wunyo wlesant wles.itär,
särki n'a:tse pälkoräs., s'tärcäm. ka:su ta:s.iträ.
23 sas : wär tkanac wles, wät nu : s'emäl pa:s.äl, trit : kuryar,
s'tärt nu : s'emäl tsma:s.lune, pänt : -- -- --, s.käs.t : ta:l(o)ne .
24 was.t lma:lunyam. tosäs s.äk ritwo kusne pa:kasyo
nis.pal pän'-wäkna: kroptär, cami wles yäs. kälymeya:
25 tam.ne kropma:m. nis.palntu ykom. os.en'i s'amam.tär,
mäm.tne -- -- -- -- -- ne lya:lyoryos.os. pat nu.
26 moknac nis.pal ma: ta:s.äl, ma: s'u ypeya: mskanta:sac,
ma: empeles omskem.sac, ma: pe tampewa:tsesac.
27 yaläm. wramm ats skam ya:mis., ma: yaläm. wram mar ya:mis..
yaläm. wram ypant wrasom nu pälkäs. mäm.tne sälpma:m. por.
28 s.n'i s.n'as.s.esa: orta:sa: -- -- em.tsu cwal a:rla:,
puk s.n'as.s.esam. ywa:rcka: säm kayurs.s. oki nus. spa:nte.
29 wawuräs. el wärporäs., mäm.tne a:s.a:m., sam pkas's'äl,
wlaluneyis akälyme kalkas. wrasom kuprene,
yomna:s. lame n'äktas's'i ya:tluneyo sne na:käm.
30 tämyo amok n'i pälskam. p(o)kam. pruccamo wrasas's'i.
15 Shilpavant says: "Skill of men is altogether the best (thing); for (in kuma...-meter):
16 The good fame of the artisan spreads in all directions.
He is to be treated with reverence, (is) to be respected, to be received by men.
17 Guarded property is to be made vanish; water, fire, kings (and) thieves cut off (one's) resources.
But skill does not vanish, and of property skill (is) the root.
18 "And (in just the same measure) as an artist an artistic object creates, (just) so the five advantages are for him. 19 One advantage, having done the thing, arises for him; a second (is that) having created out of skill (there) is a (sense of) pleasure in him(?); a third (is that) he acquires glory(?) from men; a fourth (is that he acquires) pupils; and a fifth is for him the advantage of possession or acquisition. 20 Of establishing a house and of the divine world the root being skill, therefore this of (=by) the great teachers has been said (in shurishin-meter):
21 "First skill should exist, then one should collect property,
But collected property indeed one should make (into) four part(s):
22 One part one should enjoy at home; with two (parts) one should perform works.
Later, having seen distress, the fourth one should put carefully (away).
23 "One work (is) water for the earth; the second, cattle to be pastured; the third trade;
The fourth, however, rearing cattle; the fifth... ; the sixth putting (away) (?).
24 In establishing a house, whoever, having provided these six things,
gathers property by parts in five ways, of him the work goes aright.
25 "Thus collecting, possessions by day and by night thrive.
So -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- or having wiped away (?).
26 For an old (man) property (is) not to be laid up, not for those who are over the land (?),
Not for the terrible, the evil, and not for the powerful.
27 "A thing to be done one should always do; a thing not to be done one should not do.
(In) doing a thing to be done one appears (as) a flaming fire.
28 Through one's relatives, through glories (?) -- -- -- having received at birth (and) death (?).
Always among relatives he bellows like a bull, confidently.
29 "Having given a gift (and) received (one), as (is) fitting, (a man is) like (i.e. equal) to all.
If a man go in the direction of death,
He should reach the place of the gods by prospering without blame.
30 Therefore skill, in my opinion, (is) altogether the best (quality) of men."
As with most languages, Tocharian sounds at the moment of utterance are subject to rules of euphonic combination, also known by the Sanskrit term sandhi. The idea is simply that a given sound may change in any given utterance according to the particular phonetic environment in which it occurs. During the pronunciation of a given sound, the mouth may already be preparing itself for the following sound, and hence may change the sound under consideration; or the mouth may still be at the point of articulation of the previous sound, and this may affect the sound under consideration. This process commonly occurs in English, for example when the final voiced labio-dental fricative [v] of have [hæv] becomes the unvoiced counterpart [f] in the phrase I have to go -- more phonetically, I hafta go. This is a result of the mouth already preparing to say the following unvoiced t while still pronouncing the last consonant of have -- the [v] is devoiced to [f] as a result of this anticipation.
Such changes are generally very regular within a particular language. Sanskrit is perhaps the pinnacle of this, where the changes appear to have been grammaticalized after a time (certain rules of sandhi were less regular in the Vedic period than in the Classical period). While the Tocharian system is not nearly as ornate as the system of Classical Sanskrit, it does obey certain regularities of its own. These are frequently applied in the context of poetry where the number of syllables is essential to the meter. Outside of the poetic context, such euphonic combination is less frequently applied.
Generally the final vowels i, e, u, o are changed to their nearest equivalent semivowel before a following vowel. The syllabic resonants, that is the liquids and nasals reinforced by the epenthetic vowel ä -- är, äl, än -- become their fully consonantal equivalents.
| Semivowel Examples | Before Sandhi | After Sandhi | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| -i > -y | A n'i anapär | n'y anapär | ||
| -e > -y | A sne a:n'u | sny a:n'u | ||
| -u > -w | B su eru | sw eru | ||
| -o > -w | B po aka:lkänta | pw aka:lkänta | ||
| -är > -r | A a:s.tär akmals.i | a:s.tr akmals.i | ||
| -äl > -l | B en`käl akna:tsan'n'e | en`kl akna:tsan'n'e | ||
| -än > -n | A pon'cäm. a:rkis'os.s.is | pon'cn a:rkis'os.s.is |
Some of the rules, however, do not apply equally or in all instances in both languages. For example, the change -e > -y is rare in Tocharian B, the -e generally contracting with the following vowel in this language. The change -o > -w is often accompanied by the change a- > a:- in Tocharian B: nano alyek > nanw a:lyek.
Two vowels of the same basic type generally contract to the respective simple vowel.
| Like-Vowel Examples | Before Sandhi | After Sandhi | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| a + a > a, a: | B a:sta arkwina | a:st=arkwina | ||
| a + a: > a: | A s'la a:n'ca:lyi | s'l=a:n'ca:lyi | ||
| a: + a, a: > a: | A ma: appärma:t | ma:=pärma:t | ||
| i + i > i | A a:n'mas.i ime | a:n'mas.=ime | ||
| e + e > e | B te epin`kte | t=epin`kte | ||
| o + o > o | A wiyo oki | wiy=oki |
When the following vowel is dissimilar from the preceding vowel, the preceding vowel generally disappears if it does not become a semivowel according to the previous discussion. A notable exception to this is o, which has various differing results when it does not change to the semivowel -w. These results are summarized in the following table.
| Unlike-Vowel Examples | Before Sandhi | After Sandhi | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| a + i > i, a | B warsa ite | wars=ite | ||
| a + e > a, e | B -mpa es.e | -mp=es.e | ||
| a + o > o | A s'la oko | s'l=oko | ||
| a + ai > ai | B tarya ais'amn'enta | tary=ais'amn'enta | ||
| a + au > au | B emprenma aurtsesa | emprenm=aurtsesa | ||
| a: + e > a: | B ma: en`sate | ma:=n`sate | ||
| a: + ai > a:y | B ma: ais'en'can' | ma:=ys'en'can' | ||
| e + a > a, a:, e | B s'le alyen`käts | s'le=lyen`käts | ||
| e + a: > a: | A sne a:lak | sn=a:lak | ||
| e + i > i | B poys'in'e ikes' | poys'in'=ikes' | ||
| e + o > o, e | B te on`kor | t=on`kor | ||
| e + ai > ai | B te aikemar | t=aikemar | ||
| e + au > au | B wpelme aun'ento | wpelm=aun'ento | ||
| o + a > o | A tunn`kyo as's'i | tunn`kyo=s's'i | ||
| o + a: > a: | A tunn`kyo a:rin'c | tunn`ky=a:rin'c | ||
| o + e > o | B yärpo entwe | yärpo=ntwe | ||
| o + ai > oy | B po ais'en'cai | po=ys'en'cai |
Consonant sandhi is less widespread than its vocalic counterpart. In general, final consonants may assimilate to the point of articulation of the following initial consonant, so that for example a dental consonant may become palatal before a following palatal.
| Initial-Consonant Examples | Before Sandhi | After Sandhi | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Dental | B tän' no | tän no | ||
| Palatal | A a:lakäm. cam. | a:lakän' cam. | ||
| B s'aul n'i | s'auly n'i | |||
| Velar | B postäm. ka | postän` ka |
In addition, one finds that a final consonant is occasionally doubled before a following initial vowel. In Tocharian A this generally occurs before enclitics. The complementary process is also seen, where an initial consonant is doubled after a preceding final vowel. See the following chart.
| Consonant-Doubling Examples | Before Sandhi | After Sandhi | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| C + V > CC + V | A tmäs. aci | tmäs.s. aci | ||
| B pon' a:ppai | pon'n' a:ppai | |||
| V + C > V + CC | B entwe ka | entwe kka | ||
| B weln'enta cem.ts | weln'enta ccem.ts |
Case, more specifically morphological case, signifies the mechanism whereby changes to the ending of a noun, adjective, or pronoun serve to denote its grammatical role in a particular utterance. This survives in a relatively small way in modern English, particularly with the addition of 's to denote the genitive singular, or s' to denote the genitive plural, or s to denote nominative or oblique plural. Here the terms nominative, genitive, and oblique are all names of cases in modern English. Some, like the nominative and genitive, still largely carry the form and/or function of their historical predecessors in Proto-Indo-European; the other, the oblique, by contrast is an amalgam of historically distinct cases whose forms merged to give the modern representative. Much the same state of affairs holds in the Tocharian languages.
Speaking loosely, the nominative is the case of the grammatical subject of a clause, or of something equated with the subject. Thus English she is nominative, since this is the form of the feminine pronoun which one uses for the grammatical subject: she walked home yesterday. The genitive is often explained as the "possessive case", since this is a common function represented by the marker 's and s' in English, but this is a great oversimplification. The case denotes very general relationship or qualification. Consider the relations denoted by 's in the following phrases:
The first and second show what many would call "possession," but this is usually for lack of a better term, since 'presidency' and 'luster' are not commodities one can buy at the local store. The third denotes the object of the action represented by assassination, the fourth denotes the subject. Only the last actually denotes possession. The oblique denotes in English the object of a verb or preposition, such as me in the following sentences: He hit me; He gave me the book; He gave the book to me.
Proto-Indo-European possessed a much more robust case system than that of modern English. PIE, by most reconstructions, had eight cases: nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, vocative. These cases survived intact only in the earliest exemplars of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family; in other families, the forms of different cases fell away and their roles were adopted by the forms of other cases, perhaps aided by the use of prepositions or postpositions (compare English me and to me above). This same process occurred within the history of the Tocharian languages, so that only three of the original PIE cases survived as morphological entities in Tocharian. However the use to postpositions in conjunction with one of these cases became so widespread that it appears to have led to the generation of new cases, different in form -- and sometimes in function -- from the original PIE cases. In this way Tocharian developed a two-tiered case system, the remnants of the PIE cases being called primary, and the newly developed cases called secondary.
Tocharian retains only three of the original Indo-European cases: the nominative, genitive, and accusative, this last generally called the oblique case in the literature because it forms the basis for the secondary cases discussed below. Tocharian B additionally retains a vocative case. The nominative has generally undergone numerous changes which obscure the relation between the Tocharian endings and the original Indo-European endings, and even when the oblique shows some of its original PIE color, terminating in a nasal, this turns out to be a false friend -- since final consonants other than liquids and the voiced dental stop were generally lost in the earliest stages of the Tocharian language family, the nasal element of many oblique endings must in fact come from a PIE suffix preceding the ending, and not the ending itself. This is a large clue to the origin of many Tocharian nominal patterns lying with the extension of the original PIE n-stems. The genitive shows a variety of endings, which at times go back to PIE genitive endings, but possibly also to dative endings. This latter possibility is bolstered by the fact that the Tocharian genitive case often serves many of the roles of the PIE dative case.
The following chart shows the original PIE cases and their survival in the primary cases of Tocharian.
| PIE Case | Function | English Example | Survives in Tocharian | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nominative | subject | she sees him | Nominative | |||
| Accusative | direct object | she sees him | Oblique | |||
| directed motion | she throws it across the room | |||||
| Instrumental | thing by means of which | she sees him with her eyes | ||||
| accompaniment | she is going with him | |||||
| Dative | indirect object | she give a book to him | Genitive | |||
| Ablative | source | she comes from New York | ||||
| Genitive | relation | her look was enchanting | Genitive | |||
| possession | her car was red | |||||
| Locative | stationary position | she called me at home | ||||
| Vocative | direct address | O, my Lord! | Vocative | |||