Why the UN matters
By Steven R. Ratner
The International Herald Tribune, Tuesday, May 20, 2003
Reprinted with the author's permission
AUSTIN, Texas — The United States faces a dual challenge in Iraq: how to build a government that has the support of Iraq's various ethnic and religious groups, and how to reintegrate Iraq into the international system after a decade of sanctions and exclusion. The first aims to make Iraq united, stable and prosperous. But the second must also become a priority. For Iraq has an international personality as well: a member of more than 40 international organizations, on issues from airline safety to telecommunications; a party to global and bilateral treaties on issues from terrorism to nonproliferation; a debtor to many nations; and, of course, a neighbor to six states.
How a nation interacts with others in this web of international relationships defines responsible statehood today. Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq was a model of poor global citizenship - it flouted treaties, made few contributions to international organizations, reneged on its debts and waged war on its neighbors. But a postwar Iraq, with its large population and educated elite, could be a candidate for leadership roles in the international community. Engagement would also help Iraq - and save money for the United States - because international institutions could offer it expertise and resources to rebuild.
But neither Saddam's ouster nor a new government overseen by American occupiers will automatically return Iraq to the family of nations. Indeed, a government under United States control faces suspicion regarding its independence. One consequence is the reluctance of states and international financial institutions to lend to Iraq while it is under American occupation; another is the dispute over who will control Iraq's oil revenue for the near future: the United States and Britain, in consultation with an interim Iraqi government, or the United Nations.
Overcoming that suspicion means creating a government that is not merely acceptable to Iraqis and the United States, but internationally legitimate too. The Bush administration knows that there is only one international legitimizer - the United Nations. Thus the administration seeks a Security Council resolution to recognize the U.S.-British interim authority as Iraq's legal government. But it seeks legitimization in form only - the Security Council is to bless what has already been done by the occupying powers.
Real legitimization requires taking a step that the administration remains loath to do - involving the United Nations in a meaningful way in forming a government. This approach worked in Afghanistan, where UN mediators helped mold the government of Hamid Karzai during negotiations in Bonn in 2001. Though the United States ousted the Taliban without UN approval - acting on the ground of self-defense after Sept. 11 - it wisely saw the need for an international seal of approval for the new government.
What can the United States do now? First, it should find a significant role for the UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, in the plans for an interim authority. If Annan signals publicly that he approves of the composition of the new government, that regime's international and domestic stature will be immensely enhanced.
Second, the United States should invite UN experts in disarmament and human rights to monitor and report on events. The return of weapons inspectors and human rights monitors will promote transparency and thus legitimacy in the interim period. When the time comes for elections, UN experts must be there from start to finish.
Once in place securely, Iraq's interim authority should begin a new and constructive diplomatic offensive. It should review Iraq's treaty commitments, especially with its neighbors, and begin to carry them out as a basis for stable relations. To re-engage with international institutions, the new government will need to send only respected technocrats as envoys to them. It will also need to begin the process to join others, such as the World Trade Organization.
In the end, a legitimate Iraqi government, committed to global integration and not isolation, not only strengthens these global networks but also promotes a more stable and prosperous Iraq.
The writer is a professor of international law at the University of Texas and co-author of "The New UN Peacekeeping: Building Peace in Lands of Conflict After the Cold War."
Related Link:
The International Herald Tribune release at http://www.iht.com/articles/96761.html