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Listing of Pair Project Findings

The following is a list of findings from the PAIR
Project in order of the articles in which they originally appeared, through 1995. We are
currently updating to include the most recent articles. For the full citation of these
articles, please see our annotated bibliography.

Atkinson & Huston (1984), Sex
role orientation and division of labor early in marriage.
McHale & Huston (1984), Men and women as parents: Sex role
orientations, employment, and parental roles with infants.
McHale & Huston (1985), The effect of the transition to
parenthood on the marital relationship.
Huston, McHale, & Crouter (1986) , When the honeymoon's
over: Changes in the marriage relationship over the first year.
Crouter, Perry-Jenkins, Huston, & MacHale (1987), Processes underlying
father involvement in dual-earner and single-earner families.
Crouter, Perry-Jenkins, Huston, & Crawford (1989), The
influence of work-induced psychological states on behavior at home.
MacDermid, Huston, & McHale (1990), Changes in marriage
associated with the transition to parenthood: Individual differences as a function of sex
role attitudes and changes in the division of household labor.
Huston & Vangelisti (1991), Socioemotional behavior and
satisfaction in relationships.
Ponzetti, Zvonkovic, Cate, Huston (1992), Reasons for divorce:
A comparison between former partners.
Johnson, Huston, Gaines, Levinger (1992), Patterns of married
life among young couples.
Crawford & Huston (1993), The impact of the transition to
parenthood on marital leisure.
Huston & Geis (1993), Women and men as spouses: How do
gender-related attributes and beliefs influence marital behavior?
Huston (1994), Courtship antecedents of marital satisfaction
and love.
Vangelisti & Huston (1994), Maintaining marital
satisfaction and love.
Huston & Chorost (1994), Behavioral buffers on the effects
of negativity on marital satisfaction.
Atkinson. J & Huston, T. L. (1984): See the
abstract
 |
Spouses' sex-role attitudes are associated with the number
of hours wives work outside the home (p. 331). |
 |
Spouses' sex-role attitudes are not associated with the
number of hours husbands work outside the home (p. 331). |
 |
The more hours husbands are employed, relative to their
wives, the less likely they are to engage in feminine household tasks (p. 333). |
 |
Husbands who feel skilled at carrying out feminine tasks
tend to do more of them (p. 333). |
 |
Wives who are low in femininity or who are married to men
with nontraditional sex role attitudes tend to do more masculine tasks (p. 335). |
 |
Wives who are more skilled at masculine tasks, and who have
husbands who are less skilled at those tasks, tend to do more masculine tasks (p. 335). |
 |
Husbands who feel more skilled at carrying out masculine
tasks are less likely to perform feminine tasks (p. 336). |
 |
Husbands who are more feminine are less likely to perform
masculine tasks (p. 336). |
 |
Husbands who are more masculine are more likely to perform
masculine tasks (p. 336). |
 |
Spouses who are more traditional in their patterns of
outside employment also tend to be more traditional in the way they divide household tasks
(p. 342). |
 |
Employment and sex-role orientations account for more of the
variance in feminine tasks than they do for masculine tasks (p. 337). |
McHale, S. M., & Huston. T. L. (1984): See the abstract
 |
Fathers' femininity is positively correlated with their
perceived skill in childcare, and with their preferences for being involved with childcare
activities (p. 347). |
 |
Husbands who feel skilled at childcare before becoming
parents tend to feel skilled afterward (p. 347). |
 |
Wives who have more traditional sex-role attitudes tend to
want less involvement from their husbands in childcare activities (p. 347). |
 |
Wives' feelings of competence with regard to their childcare
skills are not stable over the transition to parenthood (p. 347). |
 |
Although spouses' role preferences are not related to each
other before they become parents, afterward, mothers' femininity and mothers' skill are
inversely related to fathers' preferences for being involved in childcare (p. 347). |
 |
Mothers who work more hours outside the home tend to be less
involved with their children, both in terms of childcare activities and leisure activities
with the child (p. 349). |
 |
The more mothers work outside the home, the less central
their children are to their activities at home and to their leisure activities outside the
home (p. 349). |
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Fathers who work more hours outside the home tend to spend
less time engaged in leisure activities with their children (p. 349). |
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Fathers who feel skilled or who have nontraditional ideas
about parenting roles are more involved in child-oriented activities (p. 349). |
 |
Fathers who feel skilled or who have nontraditional ideas
about parenting roles tend to do more caregiving, relative to play and leisure activities
with their children (p. 349). |
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When fathers feel skilled at childcare activities, family
members are more likely to do things together as a family (p. 349). |
 |
Mothers who have less traditional sex-role attitudes tend to
be less involved with their child and tend to engage in fewer childcare activities (p.
349). |
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Mothers who work more outside the home prefer their husbands
to be more involved in childcare (p. 349). |
 |
Mothers who are highly involved in child-oriented activities
tend to report stronger preferences for and skill at childcare after their babies are born
(p. 349). |
 |
Mothers who have less traditional sex-role attitudes and
role-preferences have husbands who are more involved in childcare tasks (p. 349). |
 |
Mothers who have less traditional sex-role attitudes and
role-preferences have husbands who engage in proportionately more caregiving than leisure
activities with their children (p. 349). |
 |
The number of hours mothers work outside the home is not
associated with their husbands' involvement in childcare activities, but it is associated
with the amount of caregiving relative to leisure activities performed by husbands (p.
349). |
McHale, S. M., & Huston. T. L. (1985) See the abstract
 |
Parents increase joint instrumental activities more than do
nonparents (p. 298) |
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Wives who become parents experience more of an increase in
the performance of household tasks than do husbands who become parents (p. 300). |
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Parents report more of a decline in positive behaviors than
do nonparents. (Note: this decline is due to a higher frequency of positive behaviors when
the wife is pregnant.) (p. 300). |
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Parents' personal leisure time decreased more than did that
of nonparents (p. 301). |
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Parents spend less time conversing with each other than do
nonparents (p. 303). |
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Wives are more dissatisfied with the division of household
tasks than are husbands (p. 303). |
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Parents are less satisfied with their financial situation
than are nonparents (p. 303). |
 |
Wives who become parents are less satisfied with the amount
of influence they have in their relationship than are wives who are nonparents (p. 303). |
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Husbands who become parents are more satisfied with the
amount of influence they have in their relationship than are husbands who are nonparents
(p. 303). |
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Parents were less satisfied with the amount of time they
have for leisure activities (p. 303). |
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Wives were less satisfied with the quality of their
interaction than were husbands (p. 304). |
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Husbands were less in love with their partner than were
wives (p. 304). |
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The frequency of positive behavior is less stable for those
who become parents than it is for nonparents (p. 305). |
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The frequency of husbands' instrumental activities is more
stable for parents than it is for nonparents (p. 305). |
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The duration of wives' leisure with kin was more stable for
parents than for nonparents (p. 305). |
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The duration of wives' leisure time was less stable for
parents than for nonparents (p. 306) |
Huston. T. L., McHale, S.
M., and Crouter, A. (1986): See the
abstract
 |
Cohabitating couples are less traditional in terms of
husbands' and wives' involvement in household tasks (p. 274). |
 |
Spouses' satisfaction decreases during the first year of
marriage (p. 275). |
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Spouses' feelings of love decrease during the first year of
marriage (p. 275). |
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Spouses' ambivalence increases during the first year of
marriage (p. 275). |
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Spouses' satisfaction with the amount of interaction they
have with each other decreases during the first year of marriage (p. 275). |
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Spouses' satisfaction with the extent to which their partner
initiates pleasurable activity, shows negativity and shares physical intimacy decreases
during the first year of marriage (p. 275). |
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Wives are more dissatisfied with their marital interaction
than are husbands (p. 275). |
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Wives feel less love for their partners than do husbands (p.
275). |
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Spouses' performance of instrumental tasks increases during
the first year of marriage (relative to their leisure activities) (p. 276). |
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Parents have a higher proportion of joint instrumental to
leisure companionship after a year of marriage (p. 276). |
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Parents tend to spend less time in recreational activities
and more time engaged in instrumental activities after a year of marriage (p. 276). |
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Spouses' leisure activity together declines over the first
year of marriage (p. 276). |
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Spouses spend less time talking to each other after a year
of marriage (p. 276). |
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Spouses tend to express less positivity toward each other
during the first year of marriage (p. 277). |
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Spouses' general assessments of the amount of negativity
increased over the first year of marriage (p. 277). |
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Wives tended to be more involved with kin than did husbands
during the first year of marriage (p. 278). |
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Husbands tended to be more involved with friends than did
wives during the first year of marriage (p. 278). |
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Negativity is a stronger barometer of spouses' feelings
about their marriage than is positivity (p. 279). |
Crouter, A. C., Perry-Jenkins, M., Huston. T. L., & McHale. S. M. (1987):
See the abstract
 |
Husbands in dual-earner marriages report higher levels of
negative marital interaction than do husbands in single-earner marriages (note, however,
that the variability among dual-earner husbands is extensive) (p. 358). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages report doing more than
twice as many childcare activities alone as fathers in single-earner marriages (p. 358). |
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Fathers in dual-earner and single-earner marriages did not
differ in terms of the amount of childcare done with their spouse or the amount of play
activities with their child (p. 358). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages who work more hours tend to
be less involved with child-oriented leisure (p. 358). |
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Fathers in single-earner marriages who perceive they are
more skilled at childcare tend to be more involved in childcare done with their spouse (p.
358). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages who love their wives more
tend to do fewer leisure activities alone with their children (p. 359). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages who love their wives more
tend to do less childcare with their. wives (p. 359). |
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The correlations between fathers' love for their wives and
three variables (childcare done alone, childcare done with their wives, and leisure alone
with their children) are significantly different for dual-earner and single-earner fathers
(p. 359). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages who spend more time engaged
in childcare activities (both alone and with their wives) tend to report more negative
marital interaction (p. 3s9). |
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The correlations between fathers' reports of negative
marital interaction and two variables (childcare done alone and childcare done with their
wives) are significantly different for dual-earner and single-earner fathers (p. 359). |
 |
Single-earner fathers who perceive they are more skilled at
childcare tend to engage in more childcare activities with their wives (p. 359). |
 |
Although single-earner fathers' perceived skill at childcare
during phase 1 is associated with their involvement with childcare (alone) at phase 3, the
same association does not hold for dual-earner fathers (p. 360). |
 |
Fathers in dual-earner marriages who report more negative
interactions tend to be less in love with their wives (p. 360). |
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Fathers in dual-earner marriages who are more satisfied with
the division of childcare tend to be more in love with their wives (p. 360). |
 |
Fathers in dual-earner marriages who report more negative
interactions tend to be less satisfied with the division of childcare (p. 360). |
 |
Although there is no difference between dual-earner and
single-earner husbands' love at phase 1, by phase 3, dual-earner husbands are
significantly less in love with their wives than are single earner husbands (p. 360). |
Crouter, A. C.. Perry-Jenkins. M.. Huston. T. L.. & Crawford, D. W. (1989):
See the abstract
 |
Husbands who score high on fatigue and stress perform fewer
household tasks than those who score low on fatigue and stress (p.374). |
 |
Husbands who score low on stress, low on depression, and
high on arousal tended to engage in more active leisure than husbands who score high on
stress, high on depression, and low on arousal (p. 375). |
 |
Wives report more negative interactions with their husbands
when their husbands report relatively high levels of stress (p. 375). |
MacDermid. S. M.. Huston. T. L.. & McHale. S. M. (1990): See the abstract
 |
Parents and nonparents do not differ in terms of their
satisfaction with their relationship or their love for each other (p. 319). |
 |
Parents and nonparents do not differ in terms of the amount
of positive and negative behaviors they report (except that those who have children during
the first year of marriage report an extremely high number of positive behaviors during
the pregnancy) (p. 319). |
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Parents experience more of a decline in the extent to which
their partner is involved in their leisure and instrumental activities than do nonparents
(p. 319). |
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Parents engage in significantly more joint, child-oriented
activities than do nonparents (p. 320). |
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Wives who become parents during the first year of marriage
work outside the home fewer hours per week than do other groups (e.g., those who become
parents during the second year of marriage, those who do not become parents) (p. 320). |
 |
Wives who become parents increase their participation in
household tasks and childcare tasks more than do wives who do not become parents (p. 320).
|
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Husbands' participation in household tasks remains constant
regardless of whether they become parents (p. 320). |
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Husbands' participation in child-oriented household tasks
increases when they become parents (p. 320). |
 |
Although the overall amount of time spent engaged in leisure
activities did not differ for parents and nonparents, the amount of personal
(non-child-oriented) leisure time did (p. 320). |
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Spouses' sex-role attitudes become more traditional over the
first two years of marriage (p. 321). |
 |
Wives are slightly less traditional than are husbands (p.
321). |
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Fathers with more traditional sex-role attitudes who are
involved in more childcare and household tasks tend to be less in love with their wives
and tend to be more negative (p. 321). |
 |
Mothers with more traditional sex-role attitudes in
marriages with a relatively equal division of labor tend to be less in love with their
husbands and tend to be more negative (p. 321). |
Huston, T. L., & Vangelisti, A. L. (1991): See the abstract
 |
Husbands' negativity during the first year of marriage is
associated with declines in wives' satisfaction (p. 426). |
 |
Wives' negativity during the first year of marriage is
associated with declines in their own satisfaction (p. 427). |
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Wives' sexual interest during the first year of marriage is
associated with a lack of decline in their marital satisfaction (p. 427). |
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Wives' satisfaction during the first year of marriage is
associated with increases in husbands' negativity (p. 427). |
Johnson, M. P, Huston. T. L., Gaines, S. O., & Levinger, G. (1992):
See the abstract
 |
Symmetrical couples participate equally in the paid labor
force, show little role differentiation, pursue separate leisure activities, but are less
differentiated with regard to their participation in leisure with friends and kin than
parallel couples (p. 411). |
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Parallel couples show more role differentiation, husbands
are the primary breadwinners, household task performance is highly sex typed, and spouses
spend comparatively little time pursuing leisure activities together (p. 411). |
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Differentiated Companionate couples are highly companionate,
are not differentiated with regard to leisure participation with kin and friends, show an
asymmetrical pattern of household work and a moderately asymmetrical pattern of labor
force participation (p. 411). |
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Role Reversed couples are those in which the wives are the
primary breadwinners. They have nontraditional gender patterns of household task
performance, are highly companionate, and fairly differentiated in terms of leisure
activities with friends (p. 412). |
Ponzetti, J. J., Zvonkovic, A. M., Cate, R. M.. & Huston, T. L. (1992):
See the abstract
 |
Former wives report more reasons for their divorce than do
former husbands (p. 390). |
 |
Former husbands report proportionally more circumstantial
reasons (e.g., physical separation, financial issues) and dyadic conditions (e.g.,
differences in standards, expectations) than do former wives (p. 390). |
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Former wives report proportionally more individual reasons
(e.g., one partner wanted his/her freedom) and dyadic behaviors (e.g., conflict, abuse,
communication) than did former wives (p. 390). |
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Former spouses tended to agree about four reasons for
divorce: physical separation, differences in marital standards or expectations, individual
behavior, and health problems (p. 391). |
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Former spouses tended to disagree about six reasons for
divorce: influence of family, friends, involvement of counselor or other professional,
other social network forces, miscellaneous dyadic behavior, and abuse (p. 391). |
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Former spouses who demonstrated high levels of agreement as
to the cause(s) of their divorce tended to focus on individual behaviors, couple
communication, physical separation, work issues, individual cognitions, individual
emotions, and differences in marital standards (p.392). |
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Former spouses who demonstrated moderate levels of agreement
as to the cause(s) of their divorce tended to focus on dyadic adaptability and seeing a
counselor or other professional together (p. 392). |
Crawford, D. W., & Huston. T. L. (1993): See the abstract
 |
New fathers spend less time engaged in independent leisure
activities than do new mothers or nonparents (p. 439). |
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New fathers spend less time engaged in leisure activities
that they like but their wives dislike after the transition to parenthood (p. 439). |
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New fathers spend less time engaged in leisure that both
they and their wives like (p. 439). |
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New mothers spend less time in conflict-of-interest leisure
than do new fathers (new fathers spend more time in conflict-of-interest leisure) (p.
440). |
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New mothers spend more time in their preferred leisure
activities without their husbands (the opposite is true for new fathers) (p. 440). |
 |
New mothers spend more time apart from their husbands in
leisure activities that they like, but that their husbands dislike (the opposite is true
for new fathers) (p. 440). |
Huston, T. L. & Geis, G. (1993): See
the abstract
 |
Spouses are more alike than they are different with regard
to personality and sex-role attitudes (p. 448). |
 |
Husbands who report that they have instrumental qualities
and wives who report that they have expressive qualities are not more or less likely to
ascribe to themselves attributes that stereotypically belong to the opposite sex (p. 448).
|
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Although wives who report that they have egalitarian
sex-role attitudes tend to be slightly more instrumental, expressiveness, instrumentality,
and sex role attitudes are minimally related (p. 449). |
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Although wives who are instrumental tend to be married to
expressive husbands, there is little evidence that stereotypically masculine men marry
stereotypically feminine women (or vice-versa) (p. 449). |
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Spouses tend to have similar sex-role attitudes. |
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Spouses who follow a traditional marital role pattern (who
have gender-differentiated roles and are quickly drawn toward parenthood) do not differ in
terms of instrumentality and expressiveness (p. 450). |
 |
The more time husbands work outside the home, the more time
wives spend doing household tasks (p. 451). |
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The more time spouses spend working outside the home, the
less time they both spend doing household tasks (p. 451). |
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Spouses who have relatively liberal sex-role attitudes tend
to spend more time working outside the home (p. 451). |
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Wives who are married to expressive men tend to spend more
time working outside the home (p. 451). |
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Husbands who are married to expressive wives tend to spend
less time working outside the home (p. 451). |
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Wives who have nontraditional sex-role attitudes tend to
spend less time engaged in household tasks (p. 451). |
 |
Husbands' involvement in household tasks is not a reflection
of their own, or their wives' sex-role attitudes (p. 453). |
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Spouses are equally likely to express positive and negative
affect toward each other (p. 453). |
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Spouses who are expressive tend to have partners who are
more affectional (p. 454). |
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Wives who are more expressive tend to engage in more sexual
intercourse with their husbands (p. 454). |
 |
When spouses tend toward unhappiness, there is a positive
association between husbands' expressiveness and both partners' level of affection (p.
454). |
 |
Wives' egalitarianism is positively related to their
tendency to express negativity when they and their husbands are unhappy (p. 456). |
 |
Husbands spend more time than wives pursuing independent
leisure activities with friends (p. 458). |
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Wives spend more time than husbands pursuing independent
leisure activities with family (p. 458). |
 |
Wives who have relatively liberal sex-role attitudes tend to
spend less independent leisure time with family than do wives who have traditional
sex-role attitudes (p. 458). |
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Husbands who have relatively liberal sex-role attitudes tend
to spend less independent leisure time with friends than do husbands who have traditional
sex-role attitudes (p. 458). |
Vangelisti, A L., & Huston. T. L. (1994): See the abstract
 |
Spouses' satisfaction with their communication is associated
with their more general marital satisfaction during the second and third years of marriage
(p. 174). |
 |
Newly married wives' satisfaction with their ability to
visit with friends and relatives as well as their ability to spend time with their
husbands is associated with their marital satisfaction (p. 174). |
 |
Wives' satisfaction with their sexual relationship is
associated with their marital satisfaction during the second year of marriage (p. 174). |
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Wives' satisfaction with their ability to influence their
spouse is associated with their marital satisfaction during the third year of marriage (p.
174). |
 |
Husbands' satisfaction with their ability to influence their
spouse is associated with their marital satisfaction during the second year of marriage
(p. 174). |
 |
Wives' satisfaction with their sexual relationship is
associated with their love for their husbands during the third year of marriage (p. 175). |
 |
Newly married wives' satisfaction with the amount of time
they have to engage in their own leisure activities is associated with their love for
their husbands (p. 175). |
 |
Husbands' satisfaction with their sexual relationship is
associated with their marital satisfaction during the first year of marriage (and
marginally associated with their marital satisfaction during the second and third years of
marriage) (p. 175). |
 |
Husbands' satisfaction with communication is marginally
associated with their love for their wives during the first and second years of marriage
(p. 175). |
 |
Husbands' satisfaction with their finances is marginally
associated with their love for their wives during the second year of marriage and is
significantly associated with their love during the third year of marriage (p. 175). |
 |
Changes in husbands' marital satisfaction over the first
three years of marriage are marginally associated with their satisfaction with the amount
of influence they have in their marriage (p. 177). |
 |
Changes in wives' marital satisfaction over the first three
years of marriage are significantly associated with their satisfaction with the amount of
influence they have in their marriage (p. 177). |
 |
Changes in husbands' love for their wives are associated
with their satisfaction with the division of household tasks (p. 177). |
 |
Changes in wives' love for their husbands are associated
with their satisfaction with communication (p. 177). |
 |
Changes in wives' love for their husbands are associated
with their satisfaction with the amount of influence they have in their marriage (p. 177).
|
 |
Wives' satisfaction with communication during the first year
of marriage is associated with their husbands' expression of positive (not negative)
affect (p. 179). |
 |
Husbands' satisfaction with the division of household tasks
during the first year of marriage is negatively associated with the number of household
tasks performed by husbands (not the number performed by wives) during the first year of
marriage (p. 179). |
 |
|
Huston, T. L. (1994). See the
abstract
 |
The more quickly partners fall in love, the shorter their
courtship, the more rapidly their commitment escalates and the fewer the number of
downturns they experience (p. 51). |
 |
The more quickly partners become sexually involved, the
shorter their courtship, the more rapidly their commitment escalates and the fewer the
number of downturns they experience (p. 51, 54). |
 |
The more couples reportedly experience conflict, the longer
their courtship lasts, the slower their commitment accelerates, and the more downturns
they experience (pp. 51-52, 54). |
 |
Men's love and maintenance are negatively associated with
the length of their courtship, the rate of acceleration, and the number of downturns they
experience (p. 52). |
 |
Men's ambivalence is positively associated with the length
of their courtship, the rate of acceleration, and the number of downturns they experience
(p. 52). |
 |
Women's ambivalence is positively associated with the number
of downturns they experience during courtship (p. 52). |
 |
The course of courtship-particularly the rate at which the
couples' commitment accelerates-is more closely aligned with men's than women's
psychological orientations toward their partner (p. 53). |
 |
The longer the courtship, the more slowly commitment
accelerates; and the more downturns, the less satisfied and in love spouses are as
newlyweds (p. 57). |
 |
Couples who fall in love more slowly are less in love and
less satisfied as newlyweds (P. 57). |
 |
Couples who fall in love more slowly reported being less in
love and more ambivalent about their relationship when they reached the "couple"
stage of their courtship (p. 57). |
 |
Couples who experience more conflict premaritally are less
in love during their courtship and are more ambivalent about their relationship (p. 58). |
 |
Couples' love before marriage is positively associated with
marital love and satisfaction (p. 58). |
 |
Couples' ambivalence before marriage is negatively
associated with marital love and satisfaction (p. 56). |
 |
The amount of conflict couples experience before marriage is
inversely associated with their marital satisfaction and love (p. 56). |
 |
Wives' premarital ambivalence predicts declines in both
wives' love and husbands' satisfaction (p. 59). |
 |
Wives married to husbands who are less in love when the
couple is dating also tend to fall out of love after they become married (p. 59). |
 |
Ambivalence before marriage predicts both husbands' and
wives' love and satisfaction after they are married (p. 59). |
 |
Compared with those who stay married, couples who separate
or divorce are involved in longer courtships, courtships in which commitment accelerated
more slowly, and courtships having more downturns in commitment (p. 60). |
 |
Compared with those who stay married, couples who separate
or divorce are younger when their relationship is first initiated (p. 61). |
Huston, T. L., & Chorost, A. F. (1995). See the abstract
 |
Wives engage in more maintenance behaviors than husbands (p.
16). |
 |
Spouses' maintenance behavior declines over the first two
years of marriage (p. 16). |
 |
When newlywed husbands are highly affectionate, negativity
has little association with their wives' marital satisfaction; when husbands are low in
affectional expression, wives' marital satisfaction varies considerably as a function of
husbands' negativity (p. 17). |
 |
Wives' maintenance is significantly associated with
husbands' satisfaction when spouses are newlyweds (p. 18). |
 |
Spouses' satisfaction covaries with their partner's level of
maintenance as newlyweds and two years into marriage (p. 18). |
 |
Husbands' maintenance behaviors mitigate the impact of their
negativity on wives' marital satisfaction (p. 18). |
 |
Husbands' affectional expression as newlyweds attenuates the
impact their early negativity has on declines in their wives' satisfaction (p. 20). |
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