William E. Doolittle
Department of Geography
University of Texas at Austin
1. Introduction
4. Discussion
5. References
Farmers in arid and semi-arid lands have, since agriculture first began, faced the problem of watering their crops. A number of ways have been developed over the millenia to deal with this problem, but probably none more ingenious than those involving devices that lift water mechanically from either streams or wells adjacent to fields (Oleson 1984; Schioler 1973). One piece of technology is particularly noteworthy in this regard, the noria (Schioler 1973). It had Middle Eastern origins, was used there and in the Mediterranean Basin in ancient times, and diffused to the New World during the Spanish colonial era. Norias remain a little-understood and under-appreciated component of the Mexican landscape, undoubtedly because they were popular in only limited locales and because most have fallen out of use in this century and therefore have escaped detection by field-oriented cultural and historical scholars (Figure 1). Indeed, the eminent geographer Robert C. West stands alone in pointing out their significance, presence, and spatial distribution. Along with a drawing of one, West states that:
the noria, so common in Spain and North Africa, apparently was seldom used in colonial Middle America. Today, this ancient waterlift is seen in only a few farming areas in the northern Mexican states of Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosí. It also survives in the Yucatan Peninsula, where it was introduced by Spanish priests (West and Augelli 1989:260).
Norias are so unusual in México today that during the course of nearly 20 years of travels across the republic I have encounted very few, and, until recently, none actually in operation. Those I had encountered, were of the well variety. They involved lifting water from artifically excavated shafts that extend from the ground surface to some distance just below the water table. Of those examined, two are especially notable. One, found north of San Miguel de Allende, Guanajuato, involved only a rectangular rock-lined well with a canal that began near the well and flowed toward the fields. Nothing remained of the superstructure (Figure 2). The second noria, found just north of the city of San Luis Potosí in the state of the same name, still contained its superstructure and was in sufficiently good shape that it could be renovated with little difficulty and pressed back into service. Indeed, people were actually seen pulling water up from the depths of the well using a plastic bucket tied to the end of a rope (Figure 3).
Although norias are fugitive, some people have seen and reported them, and evidence of their former widespread, albeit sparse, distribution can be found on topographic maps. On his expedition around the Baja Peninsula in 1940, John Steinbeck (1941:189) visited a ranch near Puerto Escondido which was irrigated "by deep wells of brackish brown water out of which endless chains of buckets emerged at the insistence of mules which turned the windlass." Clearly, he was describing a noria. Close inspection of any of the numerous 1:50,000 scale topographic maps of northern México published by that nation's federal mapping agency, INEGI, will reveal at least a few places--usually very small or abandoned ones--named La Noria. Doubtless, the use of this toponym is no accident, and refers to locales where water may once have lifted by a device of the same name.
Exactly how this water lifting technology came to the New World, and why norias were never very popular are issues that are unknown and can only be subject to speculation. It is similarly unknown why they were taken out of service, but a number of possibilities do exist. In some cases, the water table could have dropped below acceptable limits. In others, wells or streams could have become polluted. In yet other cases, maintence might simply have been too great. It is also likely that in this century gasoline and electric pumps could have replaced norias as inexpensive alternatives. Finally, it is possible that these devices simply were not needed as originally thought; such proved to be the case in one recent development project promoting "appropriate technologies" in Honduras (Herr 1994:16-17). In spite of its demise, noria technology continues to survive, albeit barely, in México. During a recent trip in the state of Veracruz a newly-built noria was found near the town of Jalcomulco, 30 km southeast of the capital city of Xalapa. Unlike the ruins of others I have seen, this noria was of the variety involving the lifting of water from streams, not wells. The remainder of this paper describes noria technology in general, the Jalcomulco noria specifically, and discusses its implications.
Norias are fascinating pieces of technology, in no small part because they are so clever. Their genius is in their simplicity; and, their simplicity lies at the heart of their antiquity and rapid diffusion. The actual date of their invention remains unknown, however, there is literary evidence of norias in Egypt in the fourth century B.C. (Neuburger 1969:418; Oleson 1984:325). They are mentioned in the writings of Vitruvius (1960:293-295), suggesting introduction to Rome by the first century B.C. (Hill 1984:140). One writer (Needham 1965:361-362) suggested the noria may have been developed initially in India and diffused to China in the second century A.D. By the fifth century A.D. it was widespread in the eastern Mediterranan, spreading through North Africa and onto the Iberian Penninsula by the eleventh century (al-Hassan and Hill 1986:40). Finally, illustrations of norias were included in a book of technology completed in Mesopotamia in A.D. 1206 (Ibn al-Razzaz al-Jazari 1974:179,183). The antiquity and widespread distribution of these devices indicates that farmers long ago, like their counterparts in many locations around the world today, had need for more water than direct rainfall alone could provide. Norias are axiomatically associated with dry lands.
In spite of being remarkably simple, norias are also quite complex in some regards. Given the locations of their early usage, which are also agricultural hearths as well as early centers of civilization, norias exemplify how technologies associated with different aspects of life are not only combined, but were done so very long ago. Norias are not only emblematic of the development of technology for purposes of transforming the biophysical environment, but also of the linkages between rural and urban cultures. In addition to helping convert natural vegetation (grass) into cultural vegetation (crops) in water-deficient environments--or what might be called the domestication of landscapes--they involve wheels, technology developed originally for urban transportation, but adapted to industrial purposes, and in this case, applied to food production.
The concept of the wheel lies at the very heart of noria technology. It also explains its origin in the Old World and lack of existence in the New World until the arrival of the Europeans; draft animals were domesticated in the former and not in the latter.
Basically, norias involve wheels that are oriented vertically, that is with their axles oriented horizontally. The wheels typically have several pieces and a rim width of no less that 1/3 m. They are supported by a superstructure that is most often made of wood, but can be made of masonry. Norias associated with shallow wells due to high water tables, or those located near stream banks have the lower part of the wheel in contact with water. A series of buckets is attached to the rim of the wheel with the axis of each bucket situated perpendicular to the axle of the wheel. As the wheel turns, water is picked-up in the buckets near the wheel's bottom and is then dropped-out into a trough near the wheel's top. Norias associated with deep wells due to low water tables have wheels that function like pulleys. Known in Syria as saqiyas (al-Hassan and Hill 1986:38), these norias are characterized by two loops of rope draped over the wheel. The tops and bottoms of the buckets are attached to each of these ropes, forming what is sometimes termed a "potgarland" (al-Hassan and Hill 1986:39). As the wheel turns, water is picked-up in the buckets from great depths and dumped into a trough as the buckets go over the top of the wheel, not unlike as described for norias associated with shallow wells. From this trough water flows into a canal or pipe which takes it to the fields where crops are irrigated.
Turning the wheel is, of course, an all-important function in the operation of a noria. One of two modes of power can be used, depending on the source of water. In those cases where water is lifted from wells, the wheel is typically turned by animal power (Schioler 1973:16-25). For this type of noria the rim of a second wheel, one oriented horizontally, that is with the axle oriented vertically, touches the rim of the vertical wheel at a 90 degree angle. One of the two wheels has a series of pegs protruding from the rim parallel to axle of the respective wheel. These pegs mesh with openings in the rim of the other wheel, thereby functioning as cogs and making each wheel, in effect, a gear--the horizontal one being a pinion and the verticle one being a ring gear. A long pole or draw bar is attached to the horizontal wheel parallel to the ground surface. It protrudes beyond the rim and a burro or mule is typically harnessed to this pole. As the animal walks around the noria, the horizontal wheel revolves turning the vertical wheel and lifting water from the well. A good example of a noria of this type in action can in be seen in the second scene of the movie The Good, the Bad and the Ugly starring Clint Eastwood.
In those cases where norias lift water from streams, the flow of the stream itself is usually sufficient to turn the wheel. On such norias, blades are attached to the rim in such a manner that when viewed from the side they radiate outward away from the hub or axle. In some respects they are reminiscent of the paddles on side-wheeler steamboats. Unlike on steamboats where the turning wheel propels the boat through the water, on stream-powered norias the flowing water of the stream pushes the blades or paddles and hence turns the wheel. The wheels of stream-powered norias are not unlike undershot wheels associated with grist mills (al-Hassan and Hill 1986:52).
Originally, the wheels, buckets, blades, and trough were all made of wood and held together by pegs or rawhide bindings. These structures must have needed a great deal of maintenance, especially in regards to the lubrication of the axle and hub. Later, metal parts including bolts and nails were incorporated. Most recently, plastic buckets and tubing as well as wire have replaced traditional materials and parts.
From a distance, the noria at Jalcomulco looks much like a grist mill water wheel without the mill house (Figure 4). It stands in the water a few meters from the right or south bank of the river. The entire device, including both the wheel and the supporting framework can only be described as flimsy (Figure 5). The wheel is approximately 10 m in diameter and 1 m wide. Its axle passes through metal bushings that are attached to and supported by only two salvaged and modified telephone poles, one on either side of the wheel, embedded in the stream bottom. Additional support is supplied by a veritable web of guy wires stretching from the top of the poles to a number of points on both banks of the river.
The wheel is attached to the bushings by a network of crossed and woven spokes made of rough hewn two-by-fours (Figure 6). Twelve five-gallon plastic buckets, which originally contained bulk foods, are mounted on either side of the wheel. There remains, however, space for at least this many more more buckets, which would allow for twice as much water being lifted during any given period of time than is the case now. The buckets lift water from the river (Figure 7) and drop it into troughs made of corrogated galvinized zinc sheets (Figure 8) supported by timbers fastened to the main support poles. From the troughs, water flows through PVC tubing supported by yet additional poles driven into the stream bed (see Figure 5) to a field (Figure 9) that lies at an elevation approximately 5 m higher than the river (see Figure 4).
Power for turning the wheel is provided by the flow of the stream itself. A total of 24 blades or paddles aid in converting the force of the stream into water-lifting energy. The blades seem to be properly spaced for maximum efficiency; far enough apart to absorb the full force of the stream, yet close enough together to insure smooth rotation. They do not, however, appear to have been so spaced with great deliberation and care. Indeed, many are crooked and irregular (Figure 10), suggesting that at best this noria is the work of unskilled, yet well-intentioned amateurs, rather than experienced craftsmen or professionals.
Although this noria may appear crude, its builders are quite proud of their work, and rightfully so. The builders are to be admired for their ingenuity and motivation. The lack of sophistication evident in the final product is a function of such devices being much more complex than they might seem initially, especially to people with little familiarity with such technologies. The builders undoubtedly thought that construction would be simple and inexpensive only to learn otherwise. Having completed their project, the builders hung on it a sign that reads:
LA VENUS Nombre: Noria Hidraulica Diseño - Sgo. Rotas Hdez. de Jalcomulco, Ver. Capacidad de Aportación aprox. Colaboradores. Abel Ruiz construida en 45 dias 720 Lts. cu. x minuto Pablo? costa aprox. N$8,000.00 a 7 mts. de altura
Two things should be evident from this sign. First, there are errors. The sign claims that the noria is much smaller than it actually is, and it lists the amount of water lifted in cubic liters. In all probability, the first of these errors is a function of a poor estimate; it is clear from Figure 5 that the wheel is closer to 10 m in diameter than 7 m high. The second error is much more interesting. By virtue of stating a cubic amount per unit time suggests that the builders have at least a basic, albeit a flawed, knowledge of professional methods for calculating hydraulic characteristics. Scholars and engineers measure flowing water in cubic meters or cubic feet rather than in liters or gallons, volumetric units of measure more familiar to lay persons. Of course, there is no such thing as a cubic liter.
Second, the noria was not an inexpensive venture. In early 1994 the Nuevo Peso was exchanged at 3.1 per U.S. dollar. At 8,000 pesos, therefore, the noria at Jalcomulco cost the equivalent of $2,580 to build. Even if this expense was shared by the three individuals whose names appear on the sign (which is doubtful given that the sign maker did not know the surname of one of the collaborators), the cost per person would have been the equivalent of $860--still a tidy sum for smallholders in a developing country. Undoubtedly, most of this cost involved the purchase of lumber, PVC tubing, and wire. Some lumber and items such as the zinc sheets used for the troughs, and the plastic buckets might have been salvaged at little if any cost. Nevertheless, the fact remains that this noria was expensive to build, and in all probability it is expensive to maintain. Stream-powered norias in general do not cost anything to operate, but they are notoriously expensive to construct and keep maintained (Hill 1991:102). They may, infact, be so expensive in this latter regard that owner/users eventually find it cheaper to abandon them and switch to another method of obtaining water.
Can anything be learned from the Jalcomulco noria? And, if so, what? The first of these questions can be answered with a simple yes. The answers to the second question are many and multifaceted. To begin with, it must be remembered that norias are few and far between in México (Figure 1). Also, their history, including the understanding of how the technology was transferred to and through México in Spanish colonial times, remains unclear. Perhaps the paucity of such water-lifting devices says something by itself. Exactly what this says is not known, and perhaps unknowable, but speculation is not difficult.
México is traditionally described as being divided into the humid south and the arid north. The overwhelming majority of its population in prehistoric, historic, and modern times has resided in the south and in the semi-arid highland basins in the central part of the country. Norias were not needed in the south because there water is abundant, especially in the form of rainfall during the growing season. They were also not needed to any great extent in the central basins as streams there are numerous and have, since pre-Hispanic times, been tapped by several canal systems (Doolittle 1990). Also, the lakes in the centers of the basins were reclaimed for agricultural purposes by the construction of chinampas or raised fields, small artificial islands that were subirrigated by capillary action or pot irrigated by hand (Rojas Rabiela 1983). Although the climate regimes and demographic characteristics of the north are markedly different than in the southern and central parts of the country, and the environmental setting suitable for norias, water-lifting wheels were, and are, not too common there probably because the population has always been sparse. There simply has never been that great of a need for such expensive technology. Those norias that I have seen in this part of the country are both in states of disrepair (Figure 2 and Figure 3); they either have been abandoned altogether or replaced with fossil fuel-powered pumps.
As for the Jalcomulco noria itself, it is not only expensive in an absolute sense, but a relative one as well. The field it provides water to is quite small (Figure 9), meaning the cost per ha is exceptionally high. Furthermore, the cost might well never be amortized, due to maintenance expenses. The Huitzilapan River flows quite rapidly even during the season of low discharge (Figure 4 and Figure 7). Wear and tear on the noria is great even during the best of times. In the worst of times it can be disastrous. This river floods annually. In so doing, it not only exceeds its banks, but it does so at a very high velocity. If the noria near Jalcomulco is not dismantled and moved to high ground before the floods occur, it would surely be destroyed. The costs, not only in a monetary sense but also in time and labor, of disassembling and reassembling this water-lifting device must be high. Perhaps the need to take it down and put it back up each year explains why this noria is so flimsy and not more substantial. Were it built to withstand the force of the annual floods, it would have been much more expensive than it was to build. Indeed, it might have been so expensive that the cost would have exceeded the value of the crop it helped water.
Time will only tell if the Jalcomulco noria becomes and remains a success; that is, if it gains the status of being cost-efficient. I suspect, however, that day will never come. Unfortunately for all parties concerned--the builder-owner-users, scholars, and curious lay persons alike--high and increasing costs will in all probability result in this noria, as were the cases with the others I have seen (see also Herr 1994:16-17), being abandoned. Less expensive ways of getting the water out of the river and onto the field do exist. Of course, they are not as novel and innovative as the noria, but they do have an economic advantage.
Although the lessons learned from the Jalcomulco noria thus far are all "hard" ones, the last lesson has positive qualities. The most striking things about this water-lifting device are the innovativeness, the ingenuity, the motivation, and the tenacity of its builders. The efforts of these individuals are nothing short of admirable. This noria is proof positive that people in the harshest of conditions and with the greatest of needs, can perform at high levels and create great things. To some extent these people may be lacking certain knowledge, but it is clear they posses certain other knowledge. We should revel in their spirt, these agents of cultural and environmental change.
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